Restoring Lebanon’s Former Glory from the Clutches of ‘Dante’s Hell’: The Key to the Future Lies in the Present, Not Past

By 
Elie Chalala
Beirut sporting club during the 1960s, photograph credit Robert Zebib.
 
Lebanon stands on the precipice of change with its election of a president independent of the corrupt old elite and the nomination of a reformist prime minister-designate. These tides of change usher in a new wave of enthusiasm and even optimistic euphoria among some, as expressed by many intellectuals, both Lebanese and Arab. The Algerian novelist Amin Zaoui stands out among some of these optimistic intellectuals, recalling Beirut’s ‘golden years’ of the 1950s, 1960s, and part of the 1970s. In his recent Independent Arabia column, he asks a question that occupies the minds of many as Lebanon faces the future: “Will Beirut be reborn from its ashes?”
 
Zaoui evokes the memory of Beirut’s golden period through eloquent prose punctuated by flowery language and metaphors alongside descriptions I feel do not fall far from the truth, as one who had personally witnessed that era. Zaoui writes, "Beirut used to be a hub of democracy, a refuge for democrats and their dreams until it was cursed. Everything that made it valuable fell victim to all sides' evil eyes." Despite his embellished language, much of what he says is accurate.
 
As Zaoui suggests, Lebanon has disintegrated into "Dante's Hell." However, he fails to capture the several causal factors that led the country to its fall, describing the damage wrought by its ruinous ‘disease’ without touching on how it developed. Instead, he focuses his search on answers to Lebanon's conflict and war, stating, "Now is the time to reflect on why this incredible country has succumbed to Dante's Hell for half a century." Nonetheless, many commentators, including Zaoui, seem optimistic that Beirut could be recreated and its "generous image from the past" restored. I am concerned with Zaoui's narratives of the golden period and the downfall that started during the Civil War and continues today. Such optimism neglects to lay down a road map or vision for what lies ahead for Lebanon under the new administration. While the elected president and the prime minister-designate may have sincere intentions, intentions alone are not enough to lift Lebanon from “Dante’s Hell.”
 
Zaoui praises Beirut as "a house of light from which all other cities are jealous” while eulogizing the pre-civil war Beirut as a city of beauty, goodness, culture, poetry, and music. The romantic language he uses and the generosity he shows Beirut are endless: "Rain falling from the same sky in other parts of the East or West does not sing the same song as rain pouring on Hamra Street in Beirut. In the modern Arab and Maghrebi imagination, Beirut appears to be a mythical city, traced back to the Odyssey and the Iliad. It's a city of gods, demigods, and exceptional people." At the same time, this city nicknamed the “Geneva of the East” is known for its affiliation with Gibran Kahlil Gibran, his bestselling “The Prophet,” and the diva Fairuz.
 
Zaoui especially touches on three features that once characterized Beirut during its glory days: first, Beirut guarantees freedom of expression. In Beirut, poets representing modernity gathered from Baghdad, Cairo, Damascus, and Khartoum, whether to publish or live. Secondly, Beirut was a publishing center, giving birth to literary journals such as Shi'r, Makawaqif, Al-Adab, Arab Studies magazine, and Al-Tariq. Thirdly, it was a haven for intellectuals fleeing repressive policies in Arab countries. Beirut, writes Zaoui, was the birthplace of "Modernist magazines, literature, criticism, translation, and love.” His description may resonate with historians, scholars, and patriotic Lebanese who similarly revisit Beirut’s past with awe. He continues, "The modern shocks and tremors that made waves in contemporary Arab literature and thought started in Beirut, from the printing presses, publishing houses, cafes, newspapers, and magazines of Beirut."
 
Zaoui goes on to lament the fate of Beirut after the Civil War. He mourns the loss of the city’s once-celebrated legacy of enlightenment, saying, "A beautiful avant-garde magazine had ceased to exist, replaced by television channels broadcasting deadly poisons, and newspapers served their time until readers and authorities left, and social media took over spreading pollution even further."
 
Like his discussions of Beirut's "Golden Period," Zaoui discusses Lebanon's post-civil war political and cultural crises. He writes, "Cafes became deserted and miserable, coffee lost flavor, beer lost appeal, the neighborhood bakery closed, and explosions drowned Fairuz's voice in the mornings. As a result of fanaticism and sectarianism, modernity was destroyed, and the sun of freedom set when politics and parties became hereditary and sectarian."
 
Following Joseph Aoun's election and Nawaf Salam's nomination as prime minister-designate, Zaoui expressed optimism and idealism, predicting Lebanon would return to its pre-civil war glory. A change in the country's decision-makers and human capital inspires his hope that Beirut can rise from the ashes. His optimism is also based on human capital. Since Lebanese children in the diaspora represent human capital that has not been corrupted, they can contribute to the political development of the political stage. As a result of the large number of Lebanese scattered around the world, more Lebanese live abroad than in Lebanon. Lebanon is also one of the countries in the Arab and Maghreb regions where citizens have the most attachment to their country.
 
While Zaoui makes a valid argument, experts say diaspora remittances provide the country with a means of survival. Capital from the diaspora underscores the strong ties between the diaspora and Lebanon. According to the latest figures, Lebanon received approximately $6.7 billion in remittances in 2023, accounting for 30.7% of its GDP. The statistics may fluctuate depending on global economic conditions and the circumstances of the Lebanese diaspora. 
 
I have no intention of blaming Zaoui's literary style for the text's limitations despite its idealism and romanticism. Many Lebanese concur with Zaoui's assessment of Lebanon before the Civil War. In any realistic analysis, however, it is impossible to ignore the social, political, and economic conditions that contributed to the 1975-1990 Civil War, which claimed 150,000 lives. 
 
The longing for Zaoui’s Lebanon of the 1950s,1960s, and 1970s is a message of love shared by many Lebanese, including this writer. Although the narrative focuses on the country's literary past almost exclusively, the hopeful future imagined pertains only to its cultural production. Consequently, I am concerned about Zaoui's focus on artistic production because there is no mention of how economic and political collapse has impacted the country’s downfall and could impact its revival. The culture of Lebanon was shaken when the country was "cursed," according to Zaoui.
 
Let me elaborate on what I mean by economic and political collapse and how the economy blows up cultural production infrastructure. Financial infrastructure influences cultural production. For example, access to resources to fund creative projects could lead to more affluent and diverse artistic output. A healthy economy could also ensure government grants, sponsorships, and corporate funding, significantly supporting artists, writers, musicians, and filmmakers. Without this financial support, cultural production may be limited.
 
Political and economic stability help cultural revival. Scholars, engineers, intellectuals, novelists, and other writers who make up the middle class (which plays a crucial role in cultural production as creators and consumers) have fled the country due to the collapse of constitutional and financial institutions during the Civil War and after. Due to a lack of job opportunities, economic growth leads to high unemployment and immigration. Several writers were killed in Lebanon before and after the Civil War; others were intimidated, leading to a large number of intellectuals and scholars fleeing in fear of assassination. 
 
Moreover, middle-class members have disposable income and leisure time to invest in books, films, and theater, while economic stability helps them develop their craft. Reviving a middle class in Lebanon is difficult, given the circumstances that reduced its ranks or drove it to immigration. My misgivings about Zaoui's text relate to the expectation that enlightenment will restore culture. This is far from true. A service-and culture-based economy can be vibrant, innovative, fragile, and unequal. Lebanon must embark on a fundamental change to rise from its downfall, moving slowly toward strengthening the productive sector (manufacturing, agriculture, infrastructure, and industrial production). 
 
Many Lebanese observers and Zaoui nostalgically recall Lebanon's role as the Arab world's "university, hospital, and entertainment" in the 1960s and 1970s. However, the idea that Lebanon will naturally return to these positions is wishful thinking. Lebanon's aforementioned roles are now assumed by Gulf countries, whose stability and wealth are unparalleled in the Arab world, and plans to restore its past influence are almost impossible.
 
The original Arabic article, “Beirut, Will It Be Reborn From Its Ashes? The Curse Has Struck It, and Precious Things Are Being Pursued by Evil Eyes From All Sides” by Amin Zaoui, appeared in Independent Arabia.
 
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